This paper deals with some aspects of
Chinese-Western contacts, with special regard to the earlier history of chess.
I try to hint at some interesting perspectives for further research.
This short paper is (loosely) based on a
paper delivered to the 5th Symposium of the Initiativgruppe Königstein, held in
Throughout this paper Xiangqi will
be used for `Chinese Chess'.Xiangxi refers to Emperor Wu's game (the
so-called ``Astrological game''). Transcription systems used are Karlgren for
Middle Chinese and Pinyin for Modern Chinese.
By CHESS I understand any game that belongs to the board game
class of Games of the Chess type (in narrower sense).
The belief that chess originated in
all chess games
share a single common ancestor, and
that the
earliest of all chess games originated in North-Western India at about, let's
say 500 AD.
Starting from this assumption, an early
chess game must somehow have been brought to

Before we start, let me point out that
there is an idea that chess originated in
the
``(Hou)-Zhoushu'' (``Annals of the [Late] Zhou dynasty'') by LinghuDefen
(583-661),
the ``Suishu''
(``Annals of the Sui dynasty'') by Wei Zheng (580-643),and
the ``Beishi''
(``Annals of the Northern dynasties'' , which covers thetime 386-618) by Li
Yanshou (612-678).
The first certain references to a
game of (possibly) the chess type in Chinese sources date from the early 9th
century: these are the shortstory Cen Shun by Niu Sengru (779-847) and a
poem by Bo Juyi (772-846). For the sake of convienence this game is called Baoying-Xiangqi.
Nevertheless both texts offer no hints as to how and where the game originated.
It has been said that neither text offers a sufficient description (whichis
true), but if we take both texts into account, we can deduce that in the
early 9th century there must have been something not entirely unlike modern
Xiangqi.
The origin of chess in
There are numerous other contacts between
Chinese and Indian merchants and monks in later as well as earlier times, but
this large-scale contact should suffice as an outstanding example.
If chess or one of its ancestors had been
imported to
If something is imported from a `foreign'
country, the foreign word to name that thing is often imported alongside, but
usually this leaves traces in the language. Bernhard Karlgren has reconstructed
the Chinese language, more precisely the Chang'an dialect, of about 600 (the
so-calledMiddle Chinese). The Chinese words ``Xiangqi'' and ``Xiangxi'' as well
as their Middle Chinese counterparts do not show any influence of neither the
Sanskrit word nor its Chinese rendition. The same is true for Persian catrang
and Arab shatranj; these words, too, seem to haven't had any influence
on the Chinese names of chess games. Of course it might be perfectly possible
that someone changed the name of an imported chess game to a more Chinese
sounding name. ``Xiangxi'' was already known from emperor Wu's Xiangjing,
so (as no one knew what Xiangxi really was) the word might have been adopted to
render caturanga.
Accepting the time table recented proposed
by Syed and Abka'i-Khavari,that is
the game
caturanga is developed in the early 6th century,
the game caturanga
is passed over to the Persians in the latter 6th century,
the earliest
(Indian) mention in a written source dates from about 625 (Harsacarita of
B¯ana),
earliest
Persian mention in a written source dates from about 750 until (at latest) 850
in the later Sasanid time (M¯atik¯an-e satranj),
a chess game ought to have been imported to
the Hephtalites
(553 and 558), a Hun tribe in
the Sasanids
(553, 558, 578), a house of Persian rulers,
the realm of
Kutscha (560), a town at that branch of the
from the
Sogdians (564), a nation of Central Asian merchants, based around
from Buchara
(567), a merchant city in the Amu Darja valley, and
from the realm
of Khotan (574), another merchant city a the
arrived in Chang'an, the then capital of
the Later Zhou dynasty. Most of these missions arrived during the reign of
emperor Wu (r. 561-578); thus if one of them brought something similar to
chess, it may well be that it had influence on the formation of Xiangxi.
Franke and Trauzettel mention that official
Chinese-Persian contacts continued in 638, when the last ruler of the Sasanids,
SâhânsâhYazdegerd III. (r. 632-651) sent a mission to Chang'an (then capital
ofthe Tang dynasty) to request military assistance against the Arabs. Hisson
Piruz in 654 and 661 again appealed to the Tang, but was denied help.He was
awarded a formal rank as military governour of
Already in 651 Chalif 'Otman ibn
'Aff¯an (r. 644-656) had sent a first mission to Chang'an; from about
700 the Arab and Chinese spheres of influence touched each other in East
Turkestan. On the occasion of all these diplomatic contacts an early form of
Persian or Arab chess might have been brought to
Another interesting fact is that
Nevertheless, questions remain. The first
problem being that we don't know whether Persians or Indians played any chess
game in
And then there is the question of the
gaming material. Neither in Baoying-Xianginor in the game mentioned by Bo Juyi
we find the four branches of the Indian army. Niu's text explicitly names Horse
(resp. Cavalry), General, Chariot and (Foot-) Soldiers, it can be deduced that
there were Crossbowmen and Catapults, in addition there is mention of a King.
Bo explicitly names Soldiers and Chariots. The branches of the army that Niu
mentions are not identical with those of the Indian army. Then we don't know
anything about the shape of the pieces. If we proceed from the Afrasiab pieces
dated to 761 Indian/Persian pieces were actual three-dimensional figurines.
Niu's text which describes Baoying-Xiangqi possibly speaks of three-dimensional
figures. If that really were the case, no traces thereof are known.
The next unanswered question regards the
game board. It seems safe to assume that the astapada board was handed
down to the Persians along with the pieces. We do not have any information as
to the size of the earlyXianqi board. It is speculated that the transposition of
the pieces from the squares to the lines of the board (as in Xiangqi) triggered
the inventionof a board of 9 by 9 squares, which in turn triggered the
invention of a board of 10 by 10 lines etc. This may be plausible but is
utterly unproven. It seems plausible, however, to assume that the transposition
from squares to lines in Xiangqi is due to the fact that in other Chinese board
games the lines, but rarely if ever the squares were used. The earliest known
source on the board size is the preface to Guang xiangxi tu by Zhao Buzhi
(1053-1110). There we are told that in Xiangqi 34 pieces are used on aboard of
11 by 11 lines.
The question of the initial arrangement of
pieces cannot be answered, as we don't even know what kind of and how many
pieces were used in early Xiangqi. We maybe may assume that the initial
arrangement was modeled after that of chatrang (which in turn we do not know
precisely).
It should have become clear that
Returning from the land of what-ifs, we
must simply state that too many questions remain yet unanswered to make any
definite statement about the possibility of interconnections of early chess
games in general, although there are hints that exactly that is the
case. It has repeatedly been demonstrated [e.g. by Beauchamp] that not only the
moves but also the initial position of the pieces in various older chess games
are too similar to explain them through `sheer coincidence' without further
research (It will not be enough to glimpse at them and declare them
connected (or not connected). Nevertheless these similarities are not enough to
prove that all chess games share a single common origin, and they are not
enough to prove that the Asian chess games are somehow connected.
First of all, we chess historians should
stop to speculate. It is time to reinspect all known source materials, this
time without bias. By ``allknown source materials'' I mean all known
source materials, even those who are held sacrosanct. Sciences make progress,
and something that was deemed true a century ago may today be obsolete. If that
has been done we can decide whether additional research in certain directions
that have been neglected so far has to be done. As soon as we know what the
sources really tell us we can launch a search for the puzzles' missing
pieces.If the sources lead us to think that materials that might link certain
chess games may be found in a certain area, at a given time, we should devote
special care to that given area and time. We might find that we ourselves are
unfit to do that work, thus we have to recruit specialists in all the fields
needed. Hopefully I have been able to transport the necessity of finding
specialists e.g. for the languages and cultures of
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